Illegal mining 'Galamsey' effects from a one health lenses-shared narratives and contested realities in Amansie West District, Ghana

¹Department of Veterinary Services, Ministry of Agriculture, Ogun State, Nigeria, ²Department of Pathobiology, School of Veterinary Medicine, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Kumasi, Ghana, ³School of Nursing and Midwifery, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Kumasi, Ghana, ⁴Department of Sociology and Social Work, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Kumasi, Ghana, ⁵Department of Veterinary Pathology, Faculty of Veterinary Medicine, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria

^&Corresponding author
Derrick Adu Asare, Department of Pathobiology, School of Veterinary Medicine, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Kumasi, Ghana

Introduction    

Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) operations are particularly common in parts of Africa and Latin America, with 30 million participants in about 70 nations [1,2]. Ghana is heavily reliant on the mining sector for foreign exchange earnings, GDP, and employment, with 40% of the mining sector responsible for gold production [2,3]. Despite the positive impacts of the sector on the economy, the phenomenon of illegal mining, known in the local parlance as "galamsey," inflicts terrible socio-environmental effects, which are especially evident in less developed countries [4-6]. Galamsey inflicts destitution, increases the burden of disease, and destroys the environment of the communities in which the activities are conducted [7-12]. Galamsey inflicts extensive environmental degradation with the loss of agricultural land, loss of biodiversity, and pollution of the air and fresh water, in addition to altering the patterns of rainfall [4,13]. Uncontrolled mining destroys fertile agricultural land, which in turn negatively affects the livelihood of farmers and the agricultural output of the community [14,15]. Between 2011 and 2015, galamsey operations mushroomed to three times their original number in the cocoa-producing area, with about 603 of the protected forest reserves that are protected being invaded [16].

Illegal mining has devastated 2.4 million hectares of agriculture in Ghana, with the annual expense to restore the land being US$29 billion, which is far more than the government’s annual US$100 million pledge to the Multi Sectoral Mining Integrated Project [17,18]. Illegal mining also has dire consequences for aquatic ecosystems, particularly gold mining in underground waters [19-21]. Some of the major rivers that perform these roles, the Pra, Ankobra, and Birim, have been severely polluted with metals and mining cyanide and mercury [17,22]. The negative social effects that illegal mining has on indigenous land, especially with regard to inadequate extraction of minerals, have been thoroughly chronicled [10-12] and raise serious questions about the human rights of the indigenous people and the welfare of the community [23]. There are practically no limits on the damaging health impacts due to galamsey. Approximately 25-33% of small-scale gold miners get chronic mercury poisoning. Between 8.7-12.6% of gold miners in Indonesia will reach permanent disability due to mercury poisoning. In Ghana, over 20% of mercury used in gold extraction is dumped in rivers. The indigenous communities downstream are then poisoned by consuming contaminated water and food [24-26].

Breathing in mercury and arsenic in the mining air will cause chest pain, fever, and shortness of breath, and lead to headaches, hallucinations, and erratic behavior. This will poison the miners and cause long-lasting problems with the air and blood flow in the body. This is the same situation in the mining communities in Ghana [17,27]. These communities also suffer from high rates of malaria and respiratory diseases [28]. The One Health framework recognizes that the health of humans, animals, and the environment is connected. The environmental destruction committed during illegal mining will poison water and farmland and will create an environment that is unsafe for growing food. This will make it even more unsafe to mine. Although the negative effects of galamsey in Ghana have been well-documented, few have used the One Health framework to comprehensively study rural areas. In this study, we used the One Health framework to study illicit mining in the Amansie West district of Ghana. This approach allowed us to gather and present the contested realities.

Methods     

Study setting: the study was conducted in 6 communities in the Amansie West District in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. The Amansie West District is bordered by Amansie East District, Atwima Mponua District, Atwima Nwabiagya District, and Amansie Central District to the west, east, north, and south, respectively [22]. The communities from which the study focused included: Nyakose, Manhyia, Mmoseaso, Asuonyuno, Abrensa, and Bontefufuo. These communities were purposefully chosen due to the prevalence of galamsey activities, which provided an ideal opportunity for understanding the interaction between the environment, animals, and humans. Although farming remains the primary source of income for most rural Ghanaians, 77% of the people in our study communities rely on galamsey [29].

Study approach and design: a qualitative exploratory methodology was employed to determine how the notion of bioaccumulation is manifested in some mining areas, as well as the populace's comprehension of bioaccumulation routes. This design was crucial in uncovering and clarifying people's feelings, experiences, and opinions about the effects of illicit mining on the environment and human lives. This was made feasible through a close connection with the stakeholders, employing data collection techniques such as observation and interviews.

Study population and selection of participants: the youth who lived in the chosen communities comprised the study population. Twenty (20) people in total, including opinion leaders, health officials, leaders, and members of the community, were purposefully chosen. Participants were chosen based on two inclusion criteria: i) those who were at least eighteen years old, and;ii) those who had been residing in the communities for more than five years as at the time of data collection. The selection process involved identifying candidates who could offer a historical description of the galamsey activities that took place in the communities, as well as insights into how the vegetation cover and patterns of galamsey activities have evolved and expressed over time in those communities.

Data collection instrument and procedure: participants provided qualitative data through interview sessions guided by a semi-structured interview guide. Because of the secretive nature of galamsey activities, our technique for hiring operators entailed purposeful sampling and relied on social networks first given by community leaders. The interview guide was developed following a thorough assessment of the literature. Semi-structured interview guides are powerful qualitative research methodologies that aim to gain a thorough understanding and justification of experiential phenomena [30]. Participants who matched the eligibility criteria and were selected for the study were scheduled for interviews. Each interview session lasted 32-40 minutes, giving participants sufficient time to share their thoughts on the impact of mining activities on the environment and human life. The researcher used probes and little interjections to ensure that participants provided high-quality information. The researcher conducted the interviews in the local language (Twi) and captured the audio with the participant's permission using a voice recorder. Data saturation influenced the study's participant selection, indicating that enough data had been obtained to draw critical conclusions and that any additional data gathering would not generate value-added insights [31].

Data analysis: following the end of the interviews, data were thematically evaluated in multiple steps. All interviews were taped and then verbatim. Two independent, specialized language translators contributed to the back-to-back translation of interviews conducted in Twi into English. This was to ensure consistency in the quality of data used for the analysis. Guided by Braun and Clarke's qualitative data analysis procedure, as with the initial phase, and to allow for internal consistency, the direct transcription of the audio recordings in verbatim helped identify discrepancies, which were resolved by the three qualitative expert co-authors. Open coding was done manually based on keywords and phrases developed from the data using an inductive approach. The preliminary codes were iteratively compared and refined and further grouped based on conceptual similarity and shared meaning (Phase 2). The codes were then grouped under higher-order headings. This was during stages 3 and stage four, where the individual codes were arranged into themes such that related categories that relate were put into broader categories. Data coding continued until theoretical saturation was reached (i.e., when no new concepts emerged from successive coding of data). The researchers then sorted the data thematically by clustering together material with similar content. At this stage, the researchers employed creative and analytical reasoning to determine categories of meaning. Where appropriate, verbatim quotations from interview transcripts were used to illustrate relevant themes. It is at stage 5 that the themes generated were used for writing through both manifest and latent content analysis. The Trustworthiness of our data was ensured by ensuring that all authors confirmed the codes developed. The same interview guide was used to collect the data to achieve dependability.

Ethical consideration: the ethical principles guiding this study are in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Ethical principles were followed during the entire data collection process. Community leaders gave permission before data collection began in the selected communities. In all situations, however, individual participants' consent was sought prior to each interview. Participants were also guaranteed anonymity and the right to opt out of the study at any moment throughout the interview process. Data on participants' personal identifiers were not collected. Ethics approval was further sought from the Ethics Committee of the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee (HuSSREC) OF THE Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (HuSSREC/AP/S/vol. 3).

Results     

Participants´ demographic characteristics: a total of 20 participants were recruited from six communities. Males constituted 70% (n=14) and females 30% (n=6). Most participants (n=9, 45%) were aged 20-29 years, with ages ranging from 18 to 77 years. The majority (n=9, 45%) had resided in their communities for more than 20 years. Regarding education, 60% (n=12) had no formal education, and one participant held a post-secondary qualification. Most participants (n=13, 65%) were unemployed (Table 1).

Emerged themes and sub-themes: the study´s emerging sub-themes were arranged in line with its themes. The subthemes are illustrated through direct quotations. The various themes and their sub-themes are presented in Table 2.

Environmental concerns related to mining activities: this subject aims to study the entire range of environmental problems related to mining activities, including both direct and indirect impacts on the overall ecosystem, land, water, and air quality in and near mining sites. Five (5) sub-themes were identified under this theme: water pollution, death of livestock, destruction of farmlands, spread of infectious diseases, and environmental degradation.

Destruction of farmlands: a large number of interviewees indicated that the land in the neighbourhood had become unfit for agriculture or agricultural productivity as a result of significant alterations or contamination. They explain that mining operations have led to the loss of fertile soil, decreased agricultural yields, and disruption of local food production systems, leading to food insecurity and economic losses for farmers. These are described in the quotes below: "For the galamsey work, for me, I do not engage in it, but for those who do it, they gain from it. For those of us who don't engage in it, we do not gain anything from it, but it is really disturbing us. If your land is left bare but the owner of the land next to yours sells his or hers, the water from the galamsey work will destroy your crops unless you also sell your land. That is why, for this side, they have all sold their lands. The galamsey has really brought us problemsʺ (participant 1). "Oh I would say since the galamsey came, it has helped in good and bad ways. Because now all the farmlands are destroyed. Before, there were places you could find trees with shade that you could sit under, but now you cannot even find one. Our crops and water bodies are also destroyedʺ (participant 3). "At first, our forefathers used to grow cocoa here, and they used some part for cassava, and that is where the gold was. Initially, they wanted to use the machines, but it was later that they decided to use manpower. And that would have helped because we could cover the lands back but technology has brought machines, and it has destroyed the lands. Now if you decide to plant something, it is going to take a very long timeʺ (participant 4).

Lack of access to clean water: some participants emphasized the negative consequences of mining activities on water sources, which lead to pollution and leave the water unfit for drinking or agricultural use. They underline that mining operations in their area have damaged water quality and made access to clean and safe water for drinking and farming needs. The quotes below illustrate these: One effect is that, with our water bodies, when they work around that area, we are unable to drink from them anymore because it becomes dirty and, as such, becomes unable to drink. When you even go to the farm, and your hands get dirty, you cannot wash with the water. What can help is if we decide to protect the waterbody and not work near itʺ (participant 8) "There is also a water issue. In the olden days, we had a stream, so when you go to the farm, you could even fetch some to drink, but now you can’t even find where the stream is. They have all dried up. So, feeding has become difficult. If not for the taps they built for us, and even with the taps, it does not flow all the timeʺ (participant 7). "Oh, I would say since the galamsey came, it has helped in good and bad ways. Because now all the farmlands are destroyed. And there were places you could find trees with shade that you could sit under, but now you cannot even find one. Our crops and water bodies are also destroyedʺ (participant 9).

Spread of infectious diseases: a participant accentuates the widespread incidence of illnesses such as malaria, typhoid, and cholera in the community, attributing their high occurrence to water pollution caused by mining-related contaminants. The indirect but substantial link between mining and public health is stressed, showing how contaminated water sources undermine personal hygiene and contribute to the development of waterborne illnesses. He expressed her thoughts this way; "There is a prevalence of diseases like malaria, typhoid, and cholera in the community, due to the high incidence of the contamination of water bodies by mining-related pollutantsʺ (participant 1).

Death of livestock: although the rearing of livestock is minimal due to its prohibition by the chief, a participant stated that the few available livestock are at risk of dying if they come into contact with the polluted water as a result of the mining activities. He expressed his thought this way; "Mmmm, well, we don’t rear goats here. It is just sheep. Yeah, they can even die. But I don’t really check themʺ (participant 7). "For our livestock, it is the cassava peels that they feed on. They are allowed to graze outside during the day. They can die when they drink from the polluted waters aroundʺ (participant 4).

Environmental degradation: a few participants attributed personal health issues, such as skin rashes to environmental pollution and a lack of shade to deforestation. Furthermore, the participant emphasizes bigger environmental challenges, such as the death of a tree and increasing exposure to the sun's harsh rays. This is what they said: "I came from western North to this place, and I have had a lot of changes in my body, like skin rashes. The environment is polluted, and the sun scorches a lot. You won’t even get a shade to sit under because all the trees are dead. The environmental issues are a lotʺ (participant 1). "Oh yeah, it has changed a lot. At first, as I was saying, there were some places you could get tree shade to sit; now they are not thereʺ (participant 3).

Impact of galamsey on water sources: in order to investigate the environmental consequences of illicit mining operations, participants were asked to provide their perspectives on the impact of mining on water bodies. Two important sub-themes emerged: the destruction of water bodies and the reduction of the quality of available water. These themes provide valuable insight into articulating innovative approaches to mitigating the impact of galamsey on the environment.

Reduction in water quality: galamsey operations typically entail the extraction of gold from ore by use of hazardous chemicals like cyanide and mercury. These substances have the potential to contaminate adjacent water sources, rendering the water unfit for human consumption and aquatic life. A few individuals disclosed that the community's mining activities have impacted the local water sources. The quotes below explain further; "Mmm, the water changes in colour sometimes. It becomes dirty sometimes, and other times, too, it becomes clear. We sometimes rely on the pipe-borne waterʺ (Participant 1). "Err, for that when I came, we could fetch water from the water bodies, but now it has changed colourʺ (participant 2). "The rivers here are Subene and Tene. At first, we were using the water to even cook when we went to the farm and fetch some to bathe and other things, but now the water is polluted. Now, you can’t even differentiate between River Subene and River Tene. There was even a time that a chief priest came here and said the river says we have polluted it, and so if they don’t do some rituals, we would get sick. So, the chief made us stop working here for about two weeks, and he did his rituals before we resumed work. So, there are no rivers that are good to drink; they are all contaminatedʺ (participant 3).

Destruction of water bodies: some participants highlighted the devastating effects of galamsey, emphasizing how it destroys important land resources and valuable water bodies. They made clear the urgent necessity for coordinated action to lessen the irrevocable harm done to our environment by using this lens. A participant expressed her thoughts this way; The water bodies have been impure since time immemorial, so it’s the boreholes that have become their main source of water. There are no streams here. For me, the water from the borehole doesn’t help me because it tastes salty. The water, too, has been destroyed. There was even a big river here, but they destroyed it, (participant 4). The galamsey has really destroyed our water bodies and our lands, (participant 7).

Source of water supply: community members were asked to identify the primary source of water supply in the area in order to evaluate the safety and quality of the drinking water that was made available. Taps and river bodies emerged as the major sources of water supply in the community. All participants expressed that the tap is the major source of water supply in the community. They mostly rely on the water for domestic and irrigational purposes. The quotes below explain more; "I would say we have bought taps and have connected to poly tanks with electricity, and that is what we fetch to drink. Aside from that, there is nothing else that is good to drinkʺ(Participant 1). "We drink from the taps, and we also buy the filtered sachet waterʺ (participant 2). A participant brought up the need to strike a careful balance in an ever-changing environment between tradition, personal taste, and the need for safe, dependable access to water. He stated that some community folks still rely on river bodies for both their irrigation and domestic purposes. He expressed his thoughts this way:"Some also still drink from Nana Bomsompem because it’s clear, and before the taps came, that was what we were using. Some people say the tap water does not taste niceʺ (participant 4).

Preferred animal source of protein and frequency for consumption: this subject aimed to investigate the preferred source of protein and the frequency of protein consumption among participants. Knowing people's dietary choices for animal protein can provide information about their cultural and taste preferences. The sub-theme that emerged includes meat and fish. A significant number of individuals expressed a preference for meat as their protein source. They liked beef, offal, and mutton. The quotes below illustrate these; Yeah, I take meat. And there are more fresh meats here because you won’t really get the dry ones here. I prefer beef, haha! Well, I have not seen them killing cattle hereʺ (participant 1). "Okay we used to rear goats and sheep here, but the chief banned us from doing it, so right now we don’t have any. If you want some, you have to buy from the other towns. They consume chicken a lot here, so that is what I also consumeʺ (participant 2). "When they cook, it's not really delicious, but you would have to take it as it is. Meat? Mm, if I’m not allergic to it, I eat whateverʺ (participant 20). A few people said that their favourite source of protein is fish rather than meat. Their choice is mostly influenced by the fish's availability and their financial situation. Their favourites include dried fish, herring, and salmon. They expressed their thought this way; "Yeah. For me, I don't really like fresh meat. I prefer the dry ones like herring. I like to grill my fish even before eating. I had an issue with my leg, and with my blood group, the fresh meat isn't good for me. Flour isn't good for me, and salty foods too. I don’t really like artificial spices either. Onion and garlic are my spicesʺ (participant 8). "It is beef and maybe fish that you can get from the cold stores. It all depends on how much you have. If you have more money, you can spend moreʺ. (participant 9) "Mmmm…Arnhh well, the waterbodies here have fishes in them, but not everyone would want to consume that. I prefer fish because it’s very healthyʺ. (participant 11)

Participants’ preferred offal: based on the data gathered, the liver and intestines were shown to be the two primary offals that participants favoured. A participant's inclination towards offal may be influenced by their cultural background, personal taste preferences, and health advantages of organ meats. Almost all the participants shared that they prefer liver to any other offal. The preference stems from the belief that it is healthier than other offals. Some prefer to consume it anytime, while others prefer to consume it fortnightly. "Oh! yeah, we eat offal. Yes, please, I consume everything. Hahaʺ (participant 19). "I prefer the liver. Well, every individual has their meat preference, but I will pick the liver over others. It tastes nice. Oh! When you kill it yourself, you will leave some, so anytime you prepare soup, you just use itʺ (participant 8). "For the frozen ones, there is no liver, but if I kill the fowl in my house, I get to eat the liver. I prefer the liverʺ (participant 1). "Yeah, I consume them. Okay, I consume the liver sometimes. Hehe...I like it because I believe it is healthierʺ (participant 20). Well, I like the liver. Mmmm, I do like the ones from cattle, but I don’t have any reason. And I am not really picky about the animal from which the liver is from. Oh, I eat liver, at least every two weeks (participant 2). Two of the participants shared that they prefer intestines to other kinds of offal. The reason for their preference for the intestine is the unique taste it has. "I have been buying the intestinesʺ (participant 10). "I like the intestines and the liver when it is grilled because it is very niceʺ (participant 11).

Accessibility to healthcare facilities among communities: this theme sought to identify the unique barriers and facilitators that affect people's ability to access healthcare services. This is critical for acquiring a full awareness of the challenges associated with healthcare access, influencing policy and practice, and empowering individuals to participate in initiatives aimed at increasing healthcare accessibility for everyone. "In this town, there is no clinic. It is at Asuonyunu, and I think Boaseaso, which is not a government clinic, is owned by a private individual. But the government clinic it’s at Asuonyunu. Mmmm. When your ailment is not critical, you just go to the drugstore to buy drugs. There is a drugstore here. But if you still feel unwell the next day, it’s either you go to Moseaso or Asuonyunu. So, you can either take the motorbike or order a cabʺ (participant 7). A few participants indicated that some health facilities are available in the community, but they could do little in the administration of healthcare to the community folks due to the absence of personnel and logistics. The quotes below explain these; "By the help of Nana Akuffo Addo, we have gotten a small children’s hospital here, so when you are sick and you go there, they will give you first aid. But when it becomes critical, they transfer you to Gee, Nkawie, or Suntresoʺ (participant 8). "We have a CHIP compound, and they are doing their best, but people are always getting sick. And even the foods we eat here are contaminated by the mercury they useʺ (participant 10). "There is a clinic here. If it is not critical, we just ride on the motorbikes to go to the hospital, but if it is a critical thing, we call the ambulance to come and pick the person upʺ (participant 11).

Participant preferred treatment option: it is essential to investigate participants' treatment options in order to comprehend decision-making procedures, investigate patient preferences, detect barriers to healthcare, inform healthcare delivery, and improve patient-centered care. Two (2) sub-themes emerged: self-medication and traditional medicine. Some individuals practised self-treatment without contacting a healthcare professional. This practice includes using over-the-counter medications without sufficient counsel to relieve their pain. A participant shared her view this way; "Oh! for me, I am not someone who goes to the clinic. If my head is aching, I just buy drugsʺ (participant 2). "When your ailment is not critical, you just go to the drugstore to buy drugs. There is a drugstore hereʺ (participant 4). "We get drugs from the drugstore sometimes to help alleviate the painʺ (participant 5). A number of the participants preferred the healthcare system that involves the use of herbal medicine and the consultation of a spiritualist for intervention for an ailment. Some participants expressed their thoughts this way; "There is a man here called Mallam Issah. We use the motorbike as a means of transportation to get to him for helpʺ (participant 11). For the herbal medicine, unless you go for the herbs, maybe a car can bring it to the town. Some can be available at the information centre, so if you take it and help you can buy it again next timeʺ (participant 15). "Yeah, if there is a sickness you can use herbs to cure, you can do thatʺ (participant 18).

Health issues in the community that might be linked to mining activities: the objective was to get a better understanding of the potential health impacts of mining activities on local populations. The various detrimental effects of galamsey on human health include infectious diseases, body pains, irritant contact dermatitis, lung issues, and increased incidence of death.

Outbreak of Infectious diseases: water sources can get contaminated by heavy metals, chemicals, and other pollutants as a result of mining activities. Polluted water sources provide a breeding habitat for mosquitoes, which are disease vectors that transmit diseases like malaria. A number of individuals mentioned a rise in infectious diseases, which might be related to community galamsey events. Malaria, cellulitis, cholera, and typhoid are among these illnesses. The quotes illustrate these; "For the prevalent disease here, it is malaria. The stagnant water here breeds mosquitoes, so if you do not sleep in a mosquito net, you will get malaria. So, malaria is the prevalent disease hereʺ (participant 1). "Another disease I know is Buruli ulcer, which happened in the early days. It was from the big water bodies when they got poisoned. But after that, I have not seen it being the cause of diseases like cholera and the rest. I have not seen thatʺ (participant 18). "Malaria, typhoid, and many other illnesses. There are manyʺ (participant 2). "For that, it has bred a lot of mosquitoes. Most of the areas with stagnant water are near where we live, so there are a lot of mosquitoes. Your leg can even get swollen, and it becomes reddish. If you are not lucky, they can even say they would have to amputate itʺ (participant 7).

Dermatological problem/Irritant contact dermatitis: as part of their job, miners may be exposed to a wide range of harsh chemicals and materials, such as mineral dust, lubricants, solvents, and cleaning agents. Irritant contact dermatitis can result from prolonged or recurrent exposure to certain irritants, which can harm the skin's protective layer. Some interviewees clarify that the high incidence of skin-related diseases in their regions can be linked to mining operations. They expressed their thought this way; "Mmmmm as in because of the Galamsey? Well, since I came here, the issues brought to me because of the drug store are skin rashes which are caused by the water they useʺ (participant 20). "Oh! For the galamsey, sometimes one can get skin rashesʺ (participant 12). "Sometimes the water used for our work can cause itchy skin, so after bathing, your skin would be itchy like you’ve been bitten by an animal. Yeah, when you work in the water for a long time, it can give you that problem. So, someone can show you a drug and tell you to bathe in salty water and then apply the drug. And sometimes it goesʺ (participant 13).

Body pains: mining is generally physically hard work that requires heavy lifting, and lengthy hours of standing, walking, or running large machines. These tasks can put a strain on the muscles, joints, and skeletal system, resulting in musculoskeletal pain and discomfort in miners. Few participants admitted the prevalence of body pains, which can be attributed to mining activities in the community. Commenting on the matter, this is what they had to say; "Mmm no. For sickness, if I get sick it’s because maybe I work so hard then maybe get some pains. There are some people who are not too strong for the work, so they get sick. But no disease has been caused by the galamseyʺ (participant 16). "And sometimes body pains because of the work they do. Sometimes, if someone experiences the work for the first time, the person gets body pain. That’s what I’ve observedʺ (Participant17).

Increased incidence of death: according to some participants, mining is inherently dangerous, with the possibility of industrial mishaps such as cave-ins, explosions, collapses, and equipment failure. These mishaps have resulted in many deaths among miners. They expressed their concern about the increase in the incidence of death, which they attribute to mining activities in this way; "Yeah, there have been some changes. It is obvious that since the galamsey came here, a lot of people have died in this town. Okay, sometimes some people die on the site, and others also get sick and die. I used to say to myself that although before the galamsey came, before they were dying, the numbers weren't as huge as it is now, Hmmʺ(participant 12). "Mmmm, when someone enters the galamsey holes, the person could die and not be able to get out. But there have not been any prevalent diseases hereʺ (participant 4).

Respiratory issues: one participant stated that insufficient ventilation and dust management procedures during mining operations might worsen respirable dust exposure and raise the possibility of lung problems in miners. This is what she had to say; "Some get some health conditions. For instance, those who do the blasting, each individual has a section they work on, and if there is gold in the rocks, when the smoke is coming out, and you leave the hole, the people in the other holes can come to steal the gold so you would not get anything when you go back. So, if you decide to stay back, that is when the smoke can affect your lungs. There are about 4 people with lung issuesʺ (participant 13).

Awareness of educational initiatives about the potential environmental impact of mining in mining communities: this question is intended to establish the extent to which inhabitants of mining areas are educated about the adverse environmental effects of mining activities, as well as educational attempts to raise awareness about these concerns. Almost all the participants indicated the absence of educational initiatives on the environmental impact of mining activities in the communities. There are no efforts from community leaders to educate the folks on the environmental impact of mining in the community. The quotes affirm this; "They have not done anything like that. Some of the leaders are even involved, so they cannot speak against itʺ (participant 2). "No please. There are chiefs here, but they haven't done anything like thatʺ (participant 6). "Here, it is the politicians that come around here to campaign. But I have not seen someone who has dedicated themselves or someone from the government coming here to do that. They will even kill that person because that’s what they do to earn a living. So, you coming to tell them to stop will not work because everyone is involved, so they see it as helping them. They don’t think about the future consequences; all they care about is the money they get from itʺ (participant 5).

A participant admitted the coming of several groups to the community to educate them on several health-related issues but not on galamsey. This is what he had to say; "Ermmm, they usually come here. Like schools and churches, but they don’t teach about galamsey. They talk about health issues. Health professionals usually come around to do thatʺ (participant 7). Only one participant stated that the chief has made some efforts to warn the community on the effects of galamsey. This is how he expressed his thoughts: For that, the leaders have done well. The chiefs have even broadcast it on the radio that galamsey does not help us. However, government officials do not want to help with it. But for the community leaders, they are eager to help for the betterment of the town. Our own chief, Nana Kwame, and Nana Kwaku Duah have done a lot. But no other people are supporting themʺ (participant 9).

Discussion     

This study explored the effects of illegal mining (galamsey) on human, animal, and environmental health through a One Health lens, drawing on the lived experiences of community members in the Amansie West District, Ghana. Participants observations of environmental changes due to galamsey activities include water pollution, poor crop yields, destruction of lands, spread of infectious diseases, and environmental degradation. These findings are corroborated by studies conducted in Ghana [32-34], where forest reserves, farms, and agricultural areas, as well as many lives, have been and continue to be lost as a result of illegal mining. Situation this finding within the broader concept of one health demonstrates the linkages between environmental degradation, impacts on animal health through drinking of polluted water sources and the battling with different infectious disease as well as skin related disease that result from the drinking of polluted water. According to Mudyazhezha and Kanhukamwe [35] illegal miners use antiquated techniques and engage in a variety of activities that degrade the environment to differing degrees, such as risky large-scale excavations, the destruction of vegetation, and the contamination of soil, air, and water with heavy metal and hazardous chemical residues. Similar to the above finding, Nasirudeen and Allan [36] reported that even the smallest rainfall can cause catastrophic flooding due to riverbank destruction and river channel diversion due to illegal mining activities in Ghana.

This current research found a shortage of availability to potable water in communities where galamsey practices are prevalent. This contamination resulted from the indiscriminate use of chemicals for gold extraction, unlawful operations that alter the physico-chemical properties of the river body, washing ores in rivers, releasing untreated tailings into river bodies, and heavy metal pollution. This result confirms previous research in explanation in southern Zimbabwe that illegal miners frequently operate near water bodies due to the enormous amount of water required to wash the ore, which heavily contaminates streams and rivers with debris from tailings dumped into rivers without any kind of treatment [35]. The study result is supported by evidence from previous research conducted in Ghana, which shows that important rivers and streams, including Birim, Densu, Pra, and Ankobra, are nearly completely devoid of their natural ability to purify themselves [33,36-38]. The major source of water in the communities involved in the study was taps. This is as a result of the destruction of the major sources of water supplies such as rivers and streams and the reduction in water quality in the communities where these mining activities take place.

This finding is consistent with numerous studies which have reported the destruction of water bodies, making it unfits for drinking among several illegal mining communities in Ghana [39,40]. As evidence for the aforementioned results, Adiyahba [21] showed that river samples from mining communities in southeastern Nigeria were extremely turbid and subsequently coloured above the WHO recommended standard for drinking water [41]. Participants narrated that they perceived human health concerns such as outbreaks of infectious diseases, dermatological problems, body pains, increased incidence of death, and the prevalence of lung issues in their communities due to galamsey activities. This finding is consistent with research from Brazil [42], India [28], and Ghana [17,27] that found that residents of areas affected by mining experienced neurological symptoms from mercury exposure, including migraines, anorexia, hallucinations, emotional instability, lung problems, body pains, muscular weakness, tremors in their muscles, and loss of sensitivity. The present study also observed the increased prevalence of malaria among communities where gold mining occurs, as indicated by other studies conducted in South America [43,44]. The study findings indicated a significant reduction in the quality of water and destruction of water bodies due to illegal mining activities in the selected communities.

The impact of mining on surface and groundwater is due to spill/tailing, erosion, acid mine drainage, lowering of water table, subsidence, and the various chemicals used in the mining process as well as the potentially damaging compound and the metal removed from the ore as reported by previous studies [45,46]. Access to health service and that of animal health is a major concern and the effect of self-medication and herbal therapy is a major concern as some herbal products has been associated with kidney and liver failure. Indigenous knowledge and the antioxidant activities of these edible plants can be used to ameliorate the adverse effects on the liver and kidneys of humans. The results of this study underscore the profound environmental and health implications of illegal mining (galamsey), particularly its impact on livestock rearing. The destruction of farmland and water sources has significantly diminished the capacity for traditional animal husbandry, thereby threatening food security and undermining livelihoods that rely on agriculture [47]. Given the minimal livestock rearing observed in the study area, it is essential to explore alternative livelihood strategies, such as sustainable animal farming. Promoting the rearing of species less dependent on extensive land and water resources, such as poultry, could serve as a viable alternative. Such an approach would not only help restore agricultural incomes but also provide a more resilient food production system in the face of ongoing environmental challenges.

Additionally, the study reveals a strong community preference for meat and offal, particularly liver and intestines, which raise critical concerns about possible bioaccumulation of heavy metals in these organs, further compounding health risks. The study's findings on offal consumption, especially liver and intestines, highlight a serious public health concern in galamsey-affected areas. These organs are prone to accumulating toxic substances such as mercury and arsenic, which are pervasive in mining-polluted environments. The frequent consumption of offal, primarily due to its affordability, poses heightened health risks for these communities, as bioaccumulated toxins in organ meats can lead to chronic exposure to harmful heavy metals [48]. Given this context, the study calls for the adoption of some cooking methods, such as roasting and smoking that reduce the possible concentration of heavy metals in meat and fish products [49]. This presents an opportunity for mitigating some of the health risks associated with the consumption of contaminated food. Moreover, the study emphasizes the need for detailed research into ascertaining bioaccumulation patterns based on livestock feeding habits, as this could provide valuable insights for developing more informed public health guidelines. These findings highlight the urgency of addressing food safety concerns in tandem with environmental pollution and dietary preferences to mitigate the detrimental effects of galamsey on community health and livelihoods.

All participants indicated the absence of educational initiatives about the potential environmental impact of mining in mining communities. This finding contradicts a study in Ghana where Biney [50] reported that adult educators were actively working in illegal mining communities to help address this social menace. There is a need to explore the use of indigenous knowledge and other ameliorative strategies to be deployed into educational programmes to allow for cultural identification and acceptability. The findings of this study provide evidence for the need to design an integrated response to illegal mining that focuses on animal health and the health of the population and animal health rather than adopting silo approaches. This study had some limitations, which are acknowledged. The sample size of 20, while being adequate for a qualitative study informed by data saturation, could have been increased with additional communities to explore possibilities of any additional emerged themes. Due to the qualitative nature of the study and the fact that the participants were drawn from only six communities, the study findings are limited on grounds of the representativeness and transferability of findings to other mining-affected locations, although findings remain relevant to the subject matter. Purposeful recruitment through community leaders and social networks may have introduced selection bias, potentially excluding marginalized or dissenting voices. As a qualitative study, all findings are based on self-reported perceptions without corroboration from clinical, toxicological, or environmental data, meaning reported health associations should be interpreted as perceived rather than established causal links. Despite these limitations, the study offers an important contribution by applying a One Health lens to capture the lived experiences of community members in a rural mining district, providing contextually rich insights that quantitative methods alone may not yield, and generating evidence that can inform future interdisciplinary research in similar settings.

Conclusion     

Illegal mining (galamsey) in Ghana has profound effects on human, animal, and environmental health, as observed through a one health lens. This study confirms widespread environmental degradation, water pollution, destruction of farmland, and health issues including infectious diseases, respiratory conditions, and bioaccumulation of heavy metals in livestock. The socio-economic disruption caused by galamsey further aggravates food insecurity and diminishes the health and livelihoods of affected communities. With inadequate awareness programs and mitigation strategies, the situation remains critical, requiring urgent, multi-sectoral interventions to address these interconnected health and environmental crises. To mitigate the harmful effects of illegal mining (galamsey), this study recommends implementing comprehensive educational programs to raise awareness of its environmental and health risks, promoting sustainable agricultural practices and alternative livelihoods such as livestock farming, and exploring mitigation strategies to reduce bioaccumulation risks in food. Additionally, adopting a One Health approach will enable integrated solutions for human, animal, and environmental health. Strengthening and enforcing regulatory frameworks is essential to curbing environmental degradation and ensuring long-term sustainability in affected communities.

Competing interests     

The authors declare no competing interests.

Authors' contributions     

Conception and study design: Opeyemi Mayowa Onilude, Benjamin Obukowho Emikpe. Data collection: Opeyemi Mayowa Onilude, Seth Christopher Yaw Appiah, Olawale Olawumi Ola, Prince Nana Takyi and Derrick Adu Asare. Data analysis and interpretation: Seth Christopher Yaw Appiah, and Derrick Adu Asare. Manuscript drafting: Opeyemi Mayowa Onilude, Seth Christopher Yaw Appiah, DAA and Prince Nana Takyi. Manuscript revision:Benjamin Obukowho Emikpe, Seth Christopher Yaw Appiah, Abigael Omowumi Emikpe and Derrick Adu Asare. All the authors have read and agreed to the final manuscript.

Acknowledgments     

The authors would like to express their gratitude to the community members of the Amansie West District for their participation and cooperation in this study. Special thanks to the local leaders for their invaluable support.

Tables     

Table 1: frequency distribution of participant demographic characteristics (N=20)

Table 2: themes and sub-themes

References